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Now he told Bender what he was about to do. Alarmed, Bender tried to talk him out of it. At p. He unpacked his Browning semiautomatic gauge shotgun, loaded it, and sat on one of the railroad ties that rimmed the parking lot. He was meticulous about finances, both professionally and personally. When he first met Stacy, in , he insisted that she pay off her credit-card debt immediately.

Stevens doted on his girls and threw himself into causes that benefited them. He spent time on weekends painting the high-school cafeteria and stripping the hallway floors. Stevens got his first taste of casino gambling while attending a trade show in Las Vegas. On a subsequent trip, he hit a jackpot on a slot machine and was hooked.

Scott and Stacy soon began making several trips a year to Vegas. She liked shopping, sitting by the pool, even occasionally playing the slots with her husband. They brought the kids in the summer and made a family vacation of it by visiting the Grand Canyon, the Hoover Dam, and Disneyland. Back home, Stevens became a regular at the Mountaineer Casino. Over the next six years, his gambling hobby became an addiction. Stevens methodically concealed his addiction from his wife.

He kept separate bank accounts. He used his work address for his gambling correspondence: W-2Gs the IRS form used to report gambling winnings , wire transfers, casino mailings. Even his best friend and brother-in-law, Carl Nelson, who occasionally gambled alongside Stevens, had no inkling of his problem.

When Stevens ran out of money at the casino, he would leave, write a company check on one of the Berkman accounts for which he had check-cashing privileges, and return to the casino with more cash. He sometimes did this three or four times in a single day. His colleagues did not question his absences from the office, because his job involved overseeing various companies in different locations. Stacy had no idea. In Vegas, Stevens had always kept plans to join her and the girls for lunch.

At home, he was always on time for dinner. So she was stunned when he called her with bad news on January 30, She was on the stairs with a load of laundry when the phone rang. Stevens never did come clean with her about how much he had stolen or about how often he had been gambling. Even after he was fired, Stevens kept gambling as often as five or six times a week. Stacy noticed that he was irritable more frequently than usual and that he sometimes snapped at the girls, but she figured that it was the fallout of his unemployment.

When he headed to the casino, he told her he was going to see his therapist, that he was networking, that he had other appointments. When money appeared from his occasional wins, he claimed that he had been doing some online trading. Afterward, Stacy studied gambling addiction and the ways slot machines entice customers to part with their money.

In , she filed a lawsuit against both Mountaineer Casino and International Game Technology, the manufacturer of the slot machines her husband played. At issue was the fundamental question of who killed Scott Stevens. Did he die because he was unable to rein in his own addictive need to gamble?

Or was he the victim—as the suit alleged—of a system carefully calibrated to prey upon his weakness, one that robbed him of his money, his hope, and ultimately his life? But since Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in , tribal and commercial casinos have rapidly proliferated across the country, with some 1, now operating in 40 states.

The preferred mode of gambling these days is electronic gaming machines, of which there are now almost 1 million nationwide, offering variations on slots and video poker. Their prevalence has accelerated addiction and reaped huge profits for casino operators. And, despite the popularity of slot machines and the decades of innovation surrounding them, when adjusted for inflation, there has not been a significant increase in the amount spent by customers on slot-machine gambling during an average casino visit.

Noffsinger, 72, has been here before. A soft-spoken personal-injury attorney based in Indiana, he has filed two previous lawsuits against casinos. In , he sued Aztar Indiana Gaming, of Evansville, on behalf of David Williams, then 51 years old, who had been an auditor for the State of Indiana. But the U. Four years later, Noffsinger filed a suit on behalf of Jenny Kephart, then 52 years old, against Caesars Riverboat Casino, in Elizabeth, Indiana, alleging that the casino, aware that Kephart was a pathological gambler, knowingly enticed her into gambling in order to profit from her addiction.

Kephart had filed for bankruptcy after going broke gambling in Iowa, and moved to Tennessee. When the casino sued her for damages on the money she owed, Kephart countersued. Unlike in his earlier gambling cases, however, he decided to include a products-liability claim in this one, essentially arguing that slot machines are knowingly designed to deceive players so that when they are used as intended, they cause harm. In focusing on the question of product liability, Noffsinger was borrowing from the rule book of early antitobacco litigation strategy, which, over the course of several decades and countless lawsuits, ultimately succeeded in getting courts to hold the industry liable for the damage it wrought on public health.

When Noffsinger filed the Stevens lawsuit, John W. E ven by the estimates of the National Center for Responsible Gaming, which was founded by industry members, 1. That is more than the number of women living in the U. Others outside the industry estimate the number of gambling addicts in the country to be higher.

Such addicts simply cannot stop themselves, regardless of the consequences. Gambling is a drug-free addiction. Yet despite the fact that there is no external chemical at work on the brain, the neurological and physiological reactions to the stimulus are similar to those of drug or alcohol addicts.

Some gambling addicts report that they experience a high resembling that produced by a powerful drug. Like drug addicts, they develop a tolerance, and when they cannot gamble, they show signs of withdrawal such as panic attacks, anxiety, insomnia, headaches, and heart palpitations. Neuroscientists have discovered characteristics that appear to be unique to the brains of addicts, particularly in the dopaminergic system, which includes reward pathways, and in the prefrontal cortex, which exerts executive control over impulses.

Gambling addicts may have a genetic predisposition, though a specific marker has not yet been uncovered. Environmental factors and personality traits—a big gambling win within the past year, companions who gamble regularly, impulsivity, depression—may also contribute to the development of a gambling problem. Given the guilt and shame involved, gambling addiction frequently progresses to a profound despair. The National Council on Problem Gambling estimates that one in five gambling addicts attempts suicide—the highest rate among addicts of any kind.

There are no accurate figures for suicides related to gambling problems, but there are ample anecdotes: the police officer who shot himself in the head at a Detroit casino; the accountant who jumped to his death from a London skyscraper in despair over his online-gambling addiction; the year-old student who killed himself in Las Vegas after losing his financial-aid money to gambling; and, of course, Stevens himself.

P roblem gamblers are worth a lot of money to casinos. According to some research, 20 percent of regular gamblers are problem or pathological gamblers. Moreover, when they gamble, they spend—which is to say, lose—more than other players. At least nine independent studies demonstrate that problem gamblers generate anywhere from 30 to 60 percent of total gambling revenues.

Casinos know exactly who their biggest spenders are. According to a article in Time magazine, back in the s casino operators bought records from credit-card companies and mailing lists from direct-mail marketers. These days, the casinos have their own internal methods for determining who their most attractive customers are. Each time a patron hits the Spin or the Deal button, which can be as frequently as to 1, times an hour, the casino registers the data.

In some machines, miniature cameras watch their faces and track their playing behavior. Several companies supply casinos with ATMs that allow patrons to withdraw funds through both debit and cash-advance functions, in some cases without ever leaving the machines they are playing.

Some of the companies also sell information on their ATM customers to the casinos. All of these data have enabled casinos to specifically target their most reliable spenders, primarily problem gamblers and outright addicts. They also employ hosts who befriend large spenders and use special offers to encourage them to stay longer or return soon. Some hosts receive bonuses that are tied to the amount customers spend beyond their expected losses, which are calculated using the data gathered from previous visits.

The business plan for casinos is based on the addicted gambler. It increased the limits on some slot machines so that she could spend more on single games. It also made a new machine off-limits to other customers so that Richardson could be the first to play it.

Management assigned Richardson an executive host, who offered her free drinks, meals, hotel stays, and tickets to entertainment events. In , Richardson, then 54, was sentenced to 14 to 20 years in prison for the crime. The thefts ultimately put the company out of business.

A representative for Ameristar Casino declined to comment on the lawsuit. The U. District Court for Nebraska agreed that Colombo had sufficiently proved its initial claim of unjust enrichment, which the casino would have to defend itself against. W alk into the Mountaineer Casino in West Virginia, and the slot machines overwhelm you—more than 1, of them, lights blinking, animated screens flashing, the simulated sound of clinking coins blaring across the floor.

But the vast majority sit at the slot machines. Slots and video poker have become the lifeblood of the American casino. They generate nearly 70 percent of casino revenues, according to a American Gaming Association report, up from 45 percent four decades ago. Three out of five casino visitors say their favorite activity is playing electronic gaming machines. Their popularity spells profits not only for casinos but for manufacturers as well.

Old-fashioned three-reel slot machines consisted of physical reels that were set spinning by the pull of a lever. If the same symbol aligned on the payline on all three reels when they stopped spinning, the player would win a jackpot that varied in size depending on the symbol. The odds were straightforward and not terribly hard to calculate. But where each reel stops is no longer determined by the force of a good pull of the lever.

The physical reels are not spinning until they run out of momentum, as it might appear. Thus it is possible for game designers to reduce the odds of hitting a big jackpot from 1 in 10, to 1 in million. Moreover, it is almost impossible for a slots player to have any idea of the actual odds of winning any jackpot, however large or small.

The intent is to give the player the impression of having almost won—when, in fact, he or she is no closer to having won than if the symbol had not appeared on the reel at all. Some slot machines are specifically programmed to offer up this near-miss result far more often than they would if they operated by sheer chance, and the psychological impact can be powerful, leading players to think, I was so close. Maybe next time. Nelson Rose, a professor at Whittier Law School and the author of Gambling and the Law , has written, Nevada regulations operate on the theory that a sophisticated player would be able to tell the real odds of winning by playing a machine long enough.

Research has shown that an elevated number of near-miss results does increase playing time. Indeed, as early as , B. In the United States, by contrast, the federal government granted the patent for virtual reel mapping in IGT purchased the rights to it in and later licensed the patent to other companies. Aarij must have taken this when he fled, at around 8. For between 45 minutes and an hour, nobody outside the Morden branch was aware that anything unusual had happened inside.

Andrew Iacovou lay in such a way behind his counter that he could not be seen from the shop floor. Customers came and went. Someone played on one of the machines. Eventually Kistensamy, one of the regulars, approached the counter and saw a body. He ran to the supermarket next door and raised the alarm. An ambulance came. Iacovou was pronounced dead by paramedics at From branch to branch, rumours of a murder spread.

Staff at a William Hill in Glasgow heard that an employee had been stabbed. At a Coral in Hemel Hempstead it was said that someone had been shot. Robbery gone wrong? Was he single-manning? This was one of their great fears. In the Facebook group, a discussion about possible strike action led nowhere. A hopeless, gravedigger humour set in instead. I was told by well-placed sources that this rumour was accurate.

The operator also saw the cleaning materials that Iacovou had put out on his service area. It was assumed that Aarij was a cleaner who must have pressed the panic button by mistake. In Cheam, Anita Iacovou heard nothing all morning. At 2pm, police visited her at the flat.

Anita was asked to step in to her bedroom to speak with a policewoman. The two children were at home. Anita called them into the room to tell them what had happened. There is not a lot more she can recall of the afternoon. She knows she turned to the two Ladbrokes representatives, in the family living room, and asked: why was he ever left there alone? When interviewed at Sutton police station, Aarij accepted that he had gone to the betting shop in Morden that morning to steal money.

That he had armed himself with a hammer beforehand. That he knew there was likely to be only one person on duty. At trial in November he was found guilty. In January he was sentenced to life in prison, with a minimum of 26 years. Ladbrokes paid a modest sum to Anita Iacovou and her family. Delicate mention was made of the murder. When a new branch opened in the Leicester area that year, it was added, like hundreds of others, to the list of Ladbrokes that could be run by one person.

In early , a woman in her 20s was interviewed for a job at the branch. During her interview, Miss X asked about the possibility of the shop being robbed. Really, though, nobody in the betting world can look forward to the spring, when chancellors generally shake down this industry with indecent rigour. In a decade when the high street has come out strongly in favour of thrift and convenience, betting shops have clung on as an unlikely modern super-presence.

Of course, they are not much use to the thrifty. If you mislay your little receipt, write it off. Who are all the shops for? Usually men. Their expressions often sullen. Privately, informally, staff divide the modern class of betting-shop punter into two broad groups: the Older Gentlemen in for the horses and the Machine Gamblers.

He just seemed to want a place to be, and often cleaned up the discarded betting slips to help out. Bookmakers buy lots of television advertising time to promote gambling through their websites and mobile-phone apps, while their vast estates of retail outlets go just about unmentioned.

Betting shops can seem marginal places today, even through the eyes of those who run them. Yet as pubs vanish, churches vanish, libraries vanish, the marginalised have not vanished. I soon realised that I only had to speak to men on the street — those who looked to be of retirement age and who looked to be doing nothing in particular.

They had dispersed, since his death, to the Paddy Power a few hundred metres away, to the Stan James across the road, to the Ladbrokes on Tudor Drive, to the William Hill further along the A Who are all these shops for? Four ought to be enough. An unintended effect of the Gambling Act may have been to encourage bookmakers to open more shops, and to move existing shops from the back streets to more visible parts of cities and towns. Locals in Great Yarmouth recently campaigned to stop a ninth betting shop opening in the town centre.

Last year, residents of Thornton Heath tried to resist a 14th betting shop opening within a single postal district. After , bookmakers began to open their shops earlier in the morning and later at night. According to the ABB, this was to broadcast and take bets on evening sporting events. But senior industry employees told me that it was to create extra hours of machine use — a feeling shared on shop floors.

When I questioned the ABB about single-manning and other working conditions in betting shops, a spokesman pointed out that those who work in petrol stations and newsagents often do so alone. Other industry sources said that lorry drivers and taxi drivers worked solo, too. The comparisons were not unfair, but they did not take full account of the nature of betting shops, or their peculiar presence.

Known to be everywhere, known to have cash. As likely as not staffed by a woman, more likely than not staffed alone. They were often near pubs, nightclubs, takeaways, cab ranks. They stayed open late. Ever since the extension of opening hours, branch workers told me, they had been more likely to have to deal with customers who were drunk or on drugs. They also told me about the other sort of difficult customer: the non-customer, bewildered, unstable, otherwise desperate, drifting in because they could not reliably expect to idle anywhere else during unsociable hours without being ushered on.

An employee of Ladbrokes in Birmingham, Harry Vale, was taken aback in to be asked by his area manager to start buying food and drink for people who came into his shop. But, then, Vale was pretty new to the business at the time, and a great many industry conventions can seem baffling to the uninitiated. That they had to be on the shop floor at all times. That the only time they were allowed to stay behind the counter was if they felt they had a very specific threat. Mia Whitaker, 21 that year, was working in a Ladbrokes in the Moor area of Sheffield.

She had good reason to want to stay behind her counter, her own Ladbrokes experience having been made horrible by two regulars, young taxi drivers, who came in to play the FOBTs or to watch sport. They offered taunting comments and gestures, coming in at night and when she was alone in the branch. Her manager suggested instead that he have a quiet word with the drivers — they were regular customers. The taxi drivers knew what her hours were, and where her bus stop was. So for more than a year after that, until Whitaker left the job, the men kept coming into their local betting shop, where they could expect to play the machines, or to watch the evening darts, and to harass the year-old who was nominally in charge.

Looking back on this later, after a season of contained and uncontained chaos in the betting shops, Whitaker would have reason to be relieved that things only went so far. One weekend, the manager of a Ladbrokes in Scotland was robbed by two men while she was alone in her branch.

She later described the experience. One of them pinned me in a corner with a hammer above my head, while the other one emptied the till. To me it felt like hours. In July, a Ladbrokes in Newcastle was robbed by a man with a seven-inch vegetable knife. In August, a Coral employee in Ewell, Surrey, was robbed in their branch by two men, claiming to be armed. They stole money and a plug-in telephone.

Branch workers around the country described to me a feeling during this period that they were being kept out on the shop floor as a hindrance, but no real impediment, to incident; on display like scarecrows, and about as formidable a deterrent.

The same month, a man robbed a Ladbrokes in Welwyn Garden City by walking in with a bottle wrapped in wires and tape and telling the woman staffing the shop it was a bomb. After the bomb squad had been and gone, and the thief traced and arrested, it transpired he was out on licence for another robbery, of another Ladbrokes, with another lone-working employee, in Staff and customers getting beaten up.

People getting hospitalised. We were getting staff coming back to work [after incidents] with PTSD. They were shell-shocked. So you make your noises and you get on with your job. Others made noises. Nothing changed, and people got on with their jobs. Evans had once been a low-level betting shop employee himself.

He proposed that the government might consider legislation to insist that staff in shops be equipped with panic alarms, so that they could at least call for help if they got into trouble. Davies has more than once been accused by newspapers of receiving personal benefits from links to the gambling industry — allegations he has denied. Shoot him. October a Coral in Glasgow, a man carrying a piece of paper.

Johnstone could not sleep for months afterwards, and eventually entered therapy. Spokespeople for the bookmakers were often careful to stress to the public, after such robberies, that not much money was kept in any one location. Limits were strictly enforced — thus the compulsion for employees to pad themselves with cash mid-shift and scurry to the nearest bank — though branch workers questioned at times just what these limits were in place to protect.

After years of proud defiance, in William Hill informed its staff that they would now be asked to work alone in their shops during the evening. To the deputy manager and her colleagues, the move felt like a stunning reversal. By October , executives at the company felt warmly enough towards single-manning to defend it from possible regulation.

The deputy manager of a William Hill in Bletchley, Buckinghamshire, had not long before been released from hospital, his face unrecognisably bruised and his lung punctured after an attack by two machine gamblers who would not leave when he tried to close up his shop. He had been alone. The trio of Ladbrokes reps huddled with Brake around a table at Portcullis House and explained a possible new safety initiative.

In the meeting the MP asked the representatives if they would consider more substantial measures, such as abandoning single-manning. Multiple sources suggested that more tangible measures were being considered, such as portable panic alarms.

Lie flat for more than 15 seconds and an alarm would be triggered. She was working the evening shift on Friday 5 June It was a quiet night. TVs in the shop broadcast foreign horse racing and a tennis match on clay at the French Open, but there were no customers in to gamble on it. Miss X whiled away the time behind the counter on her phone. He wore a black T-shirt and faded jeans, and had his dark hair spiked with gel.

Miss X opened the locked door that secured her service area from the shop floor, and checked the machine. She found no fault. She returned behind her counter and picked up her phone. Minutes later, Singh again said there was a problem with his machine. This time, when Miss X emerged, he grabbed her by the wrists. Singh pushed her backwards through the service area and forced her into a bathroom at the rear of the building.

On his way towards the exit, he tried to open the till behind the counter, but could not. Instead he picked up a bag of loose coins and left. Nobody was aware that there had been an attack in the branch until Miss X regained consciousness, at around Hiding in the bathroom, she told the dispatch controller she had been beaten, throttled, threatened with murder and sexually assaulted.

Her nose was broken and her neck was fractured. I think he lost a lot of money. Her youngest son answered the door. Anita apologised for not being able to stand up; she was suffering from a medical condition that made mobility difficult. Beside her in her chair in the front room she had packets of boxed medicine, a pile of letters and a tabloid newspaper, turned to the runners and riders for the big race.

Anita said she was still fond of betting shops, and that she had been down the road to the nearest one that morning. The Morden Ladbrokes where her husband worked had not reopened since the day of his death. Sheets of pale plastic had been put up in the windows where the posters had once been. Anita knew what had happened in that other Ladbrokes in the Leicester area in the summer of — the Daily Mail had telephoned her afterwards to ask her opinion.

She had followed developments in the Midlands since then, with pity and even some guilt. Senior figures from Ladbrokes were in attendance that day. There was a definite thickening of the atmosphere, guests recalled, when the priest sermonised about the value of money against the value of a human life.

As we spoke in her front room, Ladbrokes was about to stage its spring AGM. William Hill continues to single-man its shops. Ladbrokes, in the weeks after the attack in the Leicester area, quietly suspended single-manning in surrounding shops, but it was soon reinstated. They could expect it in every branch by January In January , the date for completion was pushed back to October Some had already tried to opt out of single-manning, they told me, and had been pressured into reconsidering.

Vijay Singh was arrested on 7 June , two days after his attack on Miss X. When he was brought to trial at Stafford crown court in May , charged with attempted murder, sexual assault by penetration, and theft, Miss X testified for the prosecution.

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As the likely chances of winning change, an offer for cash out will increase, decrease or be removed altogether. If you have a question about your gambling, or the gambling of someone close to you, our FAQs from gambling consumers during lockdown may provide valuable information. Try the new Gambling Commission website we're working on, and give us feedback.

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